Steve and Alex – Builders of the World

A Minecraft Story for 6-8 year olds


The Ender Dragon’s Secret

The End portal was already awake.

“That shouldn’t happen,” Alex said.

They stepped through.

The End was quiet. The dragon circled high above, not attacking. Watching.

At the centre of the island, beneath cracked End Stone, they found an ancient lock — a stabiliser holding the world together.

The dragon landed between them and the structure. Not as an enemy. As a guardian.

The dragon blocks Alex and Steve's way

Steve put his sword away. Alex did the same.

They spoke the words together, gently.

“Block by block.
Stone and wood.
Build it straight.
Build it good.”

The structure opened. They repaired it.

The cracks sealed. The End steadied.

The dragon bowed.

Some things, Steve realised, don’t need defeating.


Chris’s Story — The Frozen Builders

The village in the snow wasn’t broken.

It was paused.

Ice covered doors and wells, but nothing was damaged. Beneath the village, Steve and Alex found a cooling engine that had done its job too well.

“We don’t need to smash it,” Alex whispered.

Image of the village covered in ice

They worked gently, one block at a time.

“Block by block.”
“Stone and wood.”
“Build it straight.”
“Build it good.”

The ice softened. The village woke quietly.

Steve thought of Chris — patient, careful, knowing when to stop.

Snow fell softly, just as it should.


Chris stands in front of the dragon

Jonathan’s Story — The Jungle That Builds Back

The jungle copied everything.

Towers. Bridges. Clever tricks.

Each time Steve and Alex built, the temple rebuilt it stronger.

“It’s learning,” Alex said.

They stopped trying to be clever.

One block. Then another.

“Block by block.”
“Stone and wood.”
“Build it straight.”
“Build it good.”

The jungle slowed. The path opened.

Steve smiled. Jonathan would have understood — think ahead, build wisely.


Epilogue — By the Campfire

That night, Steve and Alex sat by a campfire.

A map lay between them.
One mark in snow.
One in jungle green.

“The problems were different,” Alex said.

“But the answer wasn’t,” Steve replied.

They said the words one last time, quietly now — not a chant, just something true.

“Block by block.
Stone and wood.
Build it straight.
Build it good.”

The fire crackled.
The world rested.
And two builders slept, ready for tomorrow.

The Village That Forgot How to Build

A Minecraft Story for 6-8 year olds

Steve noticed something was wrong the moment his pickaxe snapped.

It wasn’t old. It wasn’t damaged. It had barely touched the stone before it broke clean in two.

Alex stopped and looked at her shovel. “That makes three tools today.”

They stood in a village they both knew well. The houses were still standing, the paths still tidy, but the villagers were restless. One hurried past carrying a door that was clearly too small for its doorway.

“Hrrm,” the villager muttered, turning it sideways. It still didn’t fit.

At the crafting table, Steve laid out four wooden planks. Perfectly placed.

Nothing happened.

Alex tried next. Still nothing.

The villagers gathered, whispering. One showed them a chest that wouldn’t open. Another held a hoe that bent when it touched the soil.

“We haven’t forgotten how to build,” said the village elder. “The world has forgotten how to fit.”

That night, Alex lit a torch and held it steady. The flame flickered strangely.

Steve took a breath. “If the world’s rules are loose,” he said, “then something underground is pulling them apart.”

Alex nodded. “The old mine.”

Before they set off, Steve placed one last block by the path. He spoke quietly, more to himself than anyone else.

“Block by block,
Stone and wood,
Build it straight,
Build it good.”

Alex smiled — and repeated it.

The mine lay beyond the hills, dark and silent. Inside, the rails twisted oddly, and Redstone dust hummed like it was thinking too hard.

Deep underground, they found the cause.

An ancient Redstone engine, once built to help shape the world, was still running — but badly. Circuits crossed where they shouldn’t. Power flowed the wrong way. Blocks shuddered slightly, as if unsure where they belonged.

“It’s not broken,” Alex said. “It’s confused.”

They set to work.

Steve realigned the circuits, one by one. Alex replaced cracked blocks and reset the levers. As they worked, they spoke the words together, each line matching their hands.

“Block by block,” Steve said, tightening a circuit.
“Stone and wood,” Alex replied, fitting a block into place.
“Build it straight,” they said together, stepping back.
“Build it good.”

The engine slowed.

Then it stopped.

The mine went quiet.

When they returned to the village, the sun rose exactly where it should.

A villager placed wood on the crafting table.

Thunk.

A perfect chest appeared.

Doors fit. Tools held. Crops grew straight and tall. The village felt solid again, as if the world had taken a deep breath.

The elder raised his hands. Slowly, the villagers began to speak — not loudly, not proudly, but carefully.

“Block by block,” one said.
“Stone and wood,” said another.
“Build it straight,” said a child.
“Build it good,” they finished together.

Steve lifted his pickaxe. Strong. Reliable.

Alex grinned. “Good thing,” she said. “Because builders are still needed.”

And deep underground, the Redstone slept — exactly as it should.

Celebrating Hump Day: Poems for Wednesday Motivation

Midweek’s here, they call it hump—
A Wednesday pause, a middle bump.
We glance behind at days now done,
Yet weekend’s not yet quite begun.

It’s that awkward sort of middle ground,
Too far from either end we’ve found.
Not quite enough to call it a win,
Not enough time to really begin.

But here we are on Wednesday’s hill,
Halfway up and onward still.
A little poem to mark the day,
As we push through the week’s halfway.

Wednesday—the day caught between what hasn’t happened and what won’t.

Letter XX – The Municipal Mirage

A once-civic institution, now hollowed by bureaucracy and central control.

By Martyn Walker
Published in Letters from a Nation in Decline

Once upon a time—within living memory, though now spoken of as though it were some sepia-toned idyll—the local council was exactly that: local. A modest civic body, often dull, occasionally officious, but recognisably part of the community whose money it spent. One imagines the town clerk of 1958, sleeves rolled, spectacles perched, frowning over the drainage budget with the stoicism of a man who knows he will meet the ratepayers in the butcher’s queue tomorrow morning. He was not a visionary, a strategist, a consultant, or a “stakeholder partner.” He merely fixed the roads, emptied the bins, and ensured the library opened on time. He did so because the town needed these things, and because the town paid for them.

Compare that modest creature with today’s municipal apparatus, a body swollen to the point of deformity, draped in managerial jargon and trembling under a hundred mutually contradictory regulations. Instead of the honest if plodding civil servant, we have entire platoons of officers whose professional identity is built not on service but on compliance. They do not shape the town; they interpret guidance. They do not defend local interests; they “engage” with frameworks. Their task is not to steward a place but to satisfy a central state that increasingly views local government as one more branch office—an outpost of Whitehall’s neurotic empire.

The transfiguration began when successive governments, each convinced of its own modernising brilliance, decided that the real problem with councils was that they were too responsive to their residents. Better, they thought, to strip away those old provincial arrangements and replace them with uniform “administrative units,” reorganised, rationalised and sanitised to within an inch of their lives. The result was the 1970s map: fewer councils, larger councils, and officials less likely to know the names of the streets they regulated. Efficiency, we were told. Progress, we were told. It has been downhill ever since.

A once-civic institution, now hollowed by bureaucracy and central control.
A once-civic institution, now hollowed by bureaucracy and central control.

Then came the centralisers. Rate-capping, council tax limits, mandatory duties without matching funds: every lever was pulled to ensure that no local authority could so much as adjust a streetlight without permission from the capital. A Section 114 notice—local government’s version of sticking a “CLOSED FOR LACK OF MONEY” sign in the window—now hangs over dozens of authorities. The modern councillor governs nothing; he monitors a collapse, anxiously hoping that the Treasury might, in its mercy, approve a little more debt to keep the lights on.

And so to the regulations. If the older council was a steward, the modern council is a defendant—permanently awaiting judgement from a tribunal of auditors, inspectors, commissioners, ombudsmen, regulators and activist lawyers. Procurement law alone could cripple a lesser civilisation: tomes of directives dictating the precise choreography by which a council may purchase so much as a mop. The process is so paralysing that only the largest and most expensive corporations can complete it, creating a tidy cartel of outsourcers who speak the language of “KPIs” and “transformation pathways” while delivering services that are, at best, adequate and, at worst, catastrophic.

The tragedy is not merely the cost, though the cost is obscene. It is the culture. Preventive services, those quiet institutions that make a town bearable—youth centres, libraries, local works, the unobtrusive odd-jobbing that keeps a place civilised—have been amputated so that councils can funnel their remaining budget into statutory duties that grow more demanding every year. Social care now consumes the lion’s share of municipal budgets, not because councils have suddenly discovered humanitarian zeal, but because the law compels it and the courts enforce it.

Thus we inhabit the paradox of the British state: councils more elaborate than ever, producing worse public spaces than at any time since rationing. Potholes gape like geological features. Parks resemble the aftermath of a sullen strike. Planning departments take years to produce decisions that amount to artful apologies for not producing any decisions at all. What the average citizen sees is decay. What the average council produces is paperwork.

If the England of the post-war decades possessed a municipal ethic, it has been replaced by a municipal mirage: a swollen bureaucracy masquerading as governance, a system designed chiefly to protect itself from blame. It consumes money without delivering value, enforces rules without delivering order, and utters slogans about “communities” while retreating from the very notion of civic duty.

The state tells us this is progress: professionalism, standardisation, compliance, equality. But a town that cannot fix its own pavements is not progressing. A council that answers to Whitehall more readily than to its residents is not local. And a nation in which the simplest act of governance costs three times what it did half a century ago—and delivers a third of the quality—is not declining by accident.

It is declining by design. The design, as usual, belongs to people who do not have to live with the consequences.


When the state expands its procedures faster than its competence, decline arrives not as a crisis but as a schedule—issued quarterly, audited annually, and noticed by the public only when the bins stop being emptied.

The Turbine that Ate the Forest

One of the small but telling scandals of our age is the polite silence surrounding balsa wood. Not the stuff of children’s model aeroplanes, but the industrial-scale harvest that feeds the fashionable addiction to wind turbines. Balsa became the miracle ingredient of the green priesthood: light, strong, resin-friendly. And so the forests of Ecuador were stripped with the zeal of a Victorian naval yard, only without the dignity of purpose. Criminal gangs moved in, communities were gutted, and tracts of land were left as bald as a ministerial briefing note. All this so that Europe could congratulate itself on its moral cleanliness while importing a product cut from other people’s hillsides.

The turbine itself is a monument to selective blindness. One begins with a thousand tonnes of concrete—an unlovely material normally denounced by environmentalists until the moment it becomes necessary to bury it under a wind farm. Add a steel tower with a carbon footprint large enough to keep a small nation in warmth for a decade. Crown it with vast blades made from fibreglass, petrochemical resins, and the aforementioned balsa stripped from South American forests. Then transport it all by lorry, ship, and crane, every step soaked in diesel. Install it in a wind regime that fails to meet the advertised output for all but a few postcard days a year. This, we are told, is progress.

We are further assured that the “lifetime carbon payback” justifies the exercise. That is true only in the same sense that a government budget is “balanced” when one introduces assumptions about perfect weather, flawless machinery, and twenty years of uninterrupted operation. The turbine must spin at its daily optimum for two decades, the wind must behave like a Swiss railway timetable, the grid must remain stable without the usual frantic interventions, and the maintenance crews must exist in a state of immaculate readiness. The moment reality intrudes—repairs, downtime, suboptimal wind, or a cold still winter—the ledger curls up like an old leaf and deposits itself in the bin.

Then comes the end of life, that undisclosed chapter in the Book of Green Miracles. The blades cannot be recycled; they are not aluminium cans. They are thermoset composites, cured forever, doomed to burial. So they are chainsawed into pieces and entombed in vast pits, where they will outlast most of the modern political class. One wonders whether future archaeologists will conclude that the early twenty-first century worshipped giant fibreglass idols until the cult ran out of subsidies.

But the greatest deception—the one so ingrained that ministers repeat it without hesitation—is that wind replaces conventional generation. It does not. It decorates it. Behind every elegant white tower stands a gas turbine humming away like an anxious understudy, ready to spring on stage the moment the wind drops. That backup runs inefficiently, gulping fuel in stop–start cycles that nobody includes in the official figures because it ruins the story. The whole scheme resembles a child’s puppet theatre: all charm at the front, frantic scrambling behind.

Why are we investing in this? Because it is symbolic. Because it makes the correct people feel virtuous. Because it allows officials to commission glossy reports full of charts trending in pleasing directions. And because nothing flatters a modern government more than a technology which is large, visible, and useless at the precise moment one needs it.

If we possessed any genuine environmental seriousness, we would build nuclear plants and grid storage systems, and stop pretending that intermittency is a virtue. We would stop chewing through rainforest timber to construct machines that are nowhere near as green as the press releases suggest. Instead we cheer the arrival of another imported turbine, another scar on the landscape, another concrete tomb for future generations to puzzle over.

A civilisation that congratulates itself while paving fields with foreign timber and unrecyclable plastic, all in the name of purity, is not merely declining; it is losing its mind.

Letter XIX: The Mark of Progress

Black-and-white woodcut-style illustration of a man refused bread at a market stall because he lacks a glowing mark, while a towering bureaucratic figure with a paper face and rubber stamp looms overhead, with “666” in the clouds.

By Martyn Walker
Published in Letters from a Nation in Decline

When the state makes life itself conditional on its seal, the mark of the beast is already upon us.

It is a curious thing that whenever governments extend their reach into private life, they never describe it as such. They speak instead of convenience, safety, modernisation. Sir Keir Starmer’s championing of digital identity sounds like a minor administrative adjustment, the bureaucratic equivalent of changing the colour of the tax return form. Yet the reality is rather less trivial.

Digital identity, once imposed, is not a marginal innovation but a centralising revolution. Every man, woman, and child becomes a data entry in a state-authorised ledger, their existence vouched for only so long as the system continues to recognise them. Enter a shop, book a train ticket, apply for a job, or access a bank account — all remain possible only if the digital credential functions. The promise is efficiency; the reality is conditional existence.

The most arresting commentary on such systems does not come from libertarian pamphlets or academic studies, though both have their place. It comes from an ancient text often dismissed as melodrama: the thirteenth chapter of the Book of Revelation. There, the writer describes a society in which “all, both small and great, rich and poor, free and bond” must carry a mark, without which “no man might buy or sell.” Scholars debate whether this was first-century allegory, coded critique of Rome, or apocalyptic vision. The detail is precise: the universal credential is the universal chain.

Black-and-white etching of a man receiving a glowing stamp on his hand under a sign reading “RECEIVE THE MARK,” while a faceless bureaucrat with a paper document for a head looms above, and others queue in line.
The state’s seal presented as progress, the moment of ownership disguised as efficiency.

No theological commitment is required to see the parallel. The mark on the hand or forehead is today’s biometric key. The exclusion from buying or selling is today’s digital wallet frozen by an unseen hand. The beastly system, whether religious or secular, rests not on spectacular cruelty but on the quiet, routine denial of access. Prison walls are unnecessary if the till refuses the card.

Sir Keir presents himself as a moderniser. His case for digital ID is couched in terms of security, fraud prevention, and border control. He would bristle at any comparison with scripture. Yet it is precisely his mildness that makes the matter more sinister. Tyranny that announces itself can be resisted. Tyranny that drapes itself in the language of efficiency is harder to unpick. One does not wake one morning to discover the mark branded on the hand; one drifts into a world where participation in daily life depends on presenting the correct token at every doorway.

Defenders of such schemes protest that the British state is not tyrannical, that it will never abuse such power. This is a charming thought. It is also historically illiterate. Every government abuses the powers it acquires, and powers are never surrendered. The veto inherent in a digital ID scheme — the ability to prevent a man from buying or selling — may sit dormant, but it will never be dismantled. It rests there, like a coiled spring in Whitehall, ready to be activated at the moment of political convenience.

Nor should the economic logic be ignored. The Bank of England has spoken openly about programmable currency, which requires, by definition, a universal identifier. To know what money is being spent on, or to restrict its use to particular purposes, the state must know who is doing the spending. The marriage of digital ID and programmable money creates precisely the world Revelation describes: life conditional on permission.

That the Labour leadership fails to see this is damning enough. That it understands and proceeds regardless is worse. The old Labour Party liked to talk about liberty and dignity. The new one is content to speak of databases and compliance. Sir Keir’s tone is calm, legalistic, mildly reassuring. The punchline is that he offers Britain not security but servitude by spreadsheet.

What makes this especially grotesque is Britain’s history. This was the nation that prided itself on habeas corpus, on common law, on the principle that the citizen was free unless explicitly restrained. The imposition of a universal ID, tethered to one’s ability to transact, inverts that principle. It assumes restraint, lifted only when the system gives its blessing. The state does not prove its case against the citizen; the citizen must prove his case to the state.

Some will accuse this argument of melodrama, of importing biblical language to dignify a mundane administrative reform. In truth the melodrama belongs to Starmer, who dresses coercion in the robes of progress. Revelation, for all its imagery, is coolly accurate. It identified, nearly two millennia ago, the core of what makes such systems intolerable. They do not merely control trade. They redefine freedom itself.

The polite suggestion is that Sir Keir has not reflected on the full implications. The impolite truth is that he has. Either way the effect is identical: a government that sees its citizens not as free men and women, but as registered users, liable to be suspended. And the suspension is not noisy, with trumpets and banners. It is silent, invisible: the card declined, the ticket refused, the door that no longer opens.

Sir Keir will be remembered. He will be remembered as the man who sought to baptise bureaucracy with the language of progress. Britain can weather his speeches; what it may not weather is the architecture he is so keen to build. The peril is not a number burned into the flesh. It is a system so ordinary, so seamless, that the nation scarcely notices it already carries the mark.

The writer of Revelation recognised the pattern. The mark of the beast was never about the hand or the forehead. It was about ownership — about the moment a man’s life ceased to be his own, and became conditional on another’s approval. That is what digital ID represents today. A mark not of safety, but of possession. And the question, as always, is whether the British people are still spirited enough to refuse it.

Grandfather’s Farewell to England

Cartoon of a young boy in a red England football shirt sitting by a ferry window, gazing sadly at the White Cliffs of Dover across calm blue waters.

By Martyn Walker
Published in Letters from a Nation in Decline

Come, sit with me a while.
There’s something I need to say—before we go.

You see that hill? I played there once,
Chased kites and kicked a ball until the light gave out.
Down that lane was your great-grandmother’s cottage,
With roses round the door and jam jars cooling on the sill.
It was a good life, not rich, but honest.
We belonged here, then.

But now…
Now the country I gave my youth to,
The one we sang for in school halls and stood for at Remembrance—
She’s gone and signed herself away.
Again. Quietly. Like a servant handing over keys.

They’ll call it progress. Integration.
But I know surrender when I see it.
We’ve lost something, lad. Something we may never get back.

So we’re leaving. All of us.
Not because we stopped loving England—
But because she stopped being England.

I’ll not come back. Not even for the spring bluebells in the woods,
Or the sound of the choir practising on a Thursday evening.
Even the things I love most would hurt to see again.
Because they’ll still look the same…
But they won’t be the same.

And one day, when you’re older,
You might ask why I speak of her the way I do—like an old friend lost.
And I’ll tell you:
She was kind. She was proud. She was ours.
And we let her slip through our fingers.

So goodbye, my England.
You were the last of something gentle in a world growing hard.
I leave with nothing but my memories,
And a tear I never thought I’d shed.

Letter XVIII: The Poverty Mirage

Children in a dusty village play in front of a crumbling mural depicting a futuristic Western skyline across water.

When Help Makes Things Worse

By Martyn Walker
Published in Letters from a Nation in Decline

Dear Reader,

There is a cruel illusion that stalks Western policymaking—an illusion we not only believe, but wrap in moral grandeur. It is the idea that if we lift a handful of people out of poverty, we have changed the world. A hundred million rescued, a headline for the BBC, a documentary narrated by Bono. Job done.

But what if this is the ultimate vanity project of the West? What if our relentless urge to “help” is a gilded form of sabotage?

Someone recently wrote online, with uncharacteristic clarity, that you could take 100 million people living in third-world poverty, move them to the United States, and still—still—billions would remain in that same poverty. The implication is hard to miss: the problem isn’t where the poor live. The problem is why poverty remains the dominant condition of those countries in the first place. And importing the poor to richer nations doesn’t solve the problem—it just relocates it and inflames a host of new ones.

We are encouraged to pity the migrants, not question the migration. Yet every one of those 100 million would cost billions to house, educate, subsidise, and absorb—while their departure does nothing to change the systems, cultures, or kleptocracies that bred their misery. Meanwhile, those left behind—numbering in the billions—are quietly erased from the ledger of Western concern.

And there is the sting: by rescuing the few, we abandon the many.


The road to this absurdity is paved with theological potholes and moral landmines. I recall the story of Pope John Paul II—beloved in the West for standing up to Soviet tyranny—visiting India during a time of desperate national struggle. The Indian government had, with considerable difficulty, built a network of family planning services, attempting to slow a spiralling birth rate in areas already plagued by malnutrition and drought. Charities worked hand in hand with officials to promote responsible contraception. It was not about ideology. It was about rice, water, and survival.

Then came the Pope.

With a few papal words, he condemned birth control in a country battling to feed its children. In an instant, years of careful groundwork were torched. His holiness departed in a plume of incense and rhetoric, leaving the consequences behind. He had the luxury of eternal principles. The people of India did not. The famine doesn’t care about doctrine.

This is what the West does best: it interferes. With speeches. With dogma. With chequebooks and conditions. And always, it leaves the bill with the locals.


Woodcut-style illustration of a Western aid billboard in a crumbling village, with locals ignoring the sign and walking past with broken tools and containers.
A billboard proclaims “Western Solutions Available Here!”—offering solar panels, checklists, gender policy, and injections—while villagers walk past with broken carts and weary expressions.

Let us speak plainly. The developing world does not suffer from a lack of Western help—it suffers from an excess of it. Help that creates dependency. Help that erodes initiative. Help that demands ideological obedience in return. We tie aid to carbon compliance, to gender theory, to imported bureaucracy. The IMF does not give loans—it issues control. The charities do not build capacity—they replace it.

We have reached a point where the so-called “help” from the West has become more dangerous than its absence. We call it development, but it resembles colonisation wearing a rainbow lanyard.

And when the help fails, we blame the locals for “corruption” as if the World Bank is a convent of saints. Or we propose the unthinkable: that a coalition of successful nations should once again assume managerial control of the “failing” ones. We are back to empire, except this time it’s run by NGOs and ESG consultants.

And if not that, we shrug—and let nature take its course.


So what, then? Do we retreat?

Yes, actually.

But not with malice. Not with neglect. With discipline. With humility. With the honest admission that teaching a man to fish is no good if we’ve already leased his lake to China, banned his nets under EU regulation, and filled the water with World Economic Forum pamphlets.

We must learn to get out of the way. Not walk away from the world, but stop trying to run it.

Give tools, not rules. Invest without conditions. Respect local agency. Stop importing problems into Western cities just to feel temporarily virtuous. And never again should we let theology—of any kind—override common sense in a starving country.


Let us finally admit it: we have become too proud of our pity, too in love with the mirror image of our benevolence. The poor do not need our rescue. They need their freedom—from us.

Faithfully yours,
M.W.
Letters from a Nation in Decline

Of Monarchs & Minions: A Simple Guide to Brewing a Revolution

Modern politician in powdered wig stands in ruined parliament as protestors wave signs outside and tax papers swirl in the air.

History doesn’t repeat, but it hums the same tune. And if you listen closely, the melody of revolt is never far from the surface. Whether it’s a Parisian mob in 1789 or a furloughed factory worker scrolling Twitter in 2025, the triggers of revolution are eerily consistent.

So here it is: the ingredients list for a classic popular uprising. Mix and stir until boiling.


1. Popular Discontent

The yeast of any revolution. When ordinary people feel overworked, overtaxed, underheard and overruled, they ferment. In pre-revolutionary France, the sans-culottes were starving while the court danced at Versailles. In modern Britain, it’s workers using food banks while MPs remodel their second kitchens.

Discontent isn’t just about poverty — it’s the insult added to injury. When people suffer and see that no one in power cares, the pot simmers.


2. Politicians Smelling Opportunity

Revolutions need opportunists — politicians who realise the tide is turning and paddle accordingly. Sometimes they’re the Robespierres or the Cromwells, elbowing their way into history. Other times they’re more cautious, waiting to back the right crowd once it’s safe.

In 2025, political leaders flip-flopping on immigration, net zero, or free speech aren’t being strategic — they’re sniffing for the wind.


3. The Wealthy Playing Both Sides

There’s always a merchant class trying to protect their ledgers. In Tsarist Russia, the oligarchs funded moderate reformers to avoid Bolshevik firebrands. In our era, billionaires fund both progressive NGOs and Conservative think tanks — not because they care, but because they want influence whichever way the revolution tips.

Modern revolutions are rarely purely ideological — they’re part investment strategy.


4. Byzantine Taxation with Invisible Benefits

The more complicated the tax system, the easier it is to fleece the public — and the angrier they get. In 18th century France, it was the taille, the gabelle, the vingtième — arbitrary, unequal, and infuriating. In Britain today, it’s IR35, VAT tweaks, stealth inheritance freezes, and green levies hiding in energy bills.

When people can’t see where their money is going, or worse — see it going to something stupid — that’s when sparks fly.


5. Vanity Projects & Public Graft

In revolutionary France it was Versailles. In revolutionary America, tea taxes and imperial bribes. In 21st-century Britain? HS2, Test & Trace, Net Zero levies, and consultancy addiction. Enormous sums vanish, yet your local GP surgery still has a 3-week wait.

When the elite waste national wealth on baubles and boondoggles while essential services collapse, people get creative — with pitchforks.


6. Wars the People Don’t Support

Wars have always played a dual role: distraction for rulers, devastation for the ruled. The American Revolution was triggered in part by taxes to fund Britain’s wars elsewhere. Vietnam split the U.S. in half. Iraq and Afghanistan bred cynicism.

In the modern world, it’s subtler. Proxy wars, arms shipments, and military-industrial lobbying — while your town loses its library. A public who doesn’t believe in the war will start questioning who the real enemy is.


7. A Widening Gap Between Rule and Reality

When law becomes performative and leadership becomes cosplay, the people notice. Marie Antoinette played shepherdess in silk. Today’s elites preach austerity from private jets. The rules don’t apply to them — and they don’t care if you know it.

This ingredient isn’t always on the original recipe, but it’s the spice that brings it all together: visible hypocrisy.


8. Cultural Estrangement Between Rulers and Ruled

Revolutions aren’t just about bread; they’re about values. When those who rule speak a different language — metaphorically or literally — from those they govern, it breeds resentment. It might be nobles speaking French in Russia, or metropolitan elites sneering at “low information voters” in Mansfield.

Revolutions often start when the majority feel mocked, ignored, and legislated against by people who neither understand nor respect them.


9. A Trigger Event

One moment, it’s grumbling. The next, it’s barricades. A bread riot. A police shooting. A smug remark from someone in power. The Boston Tea Party, the Storming of the Bastille, the Arab Spring — all started with moments that, in hindsight, were inevitable.

What will ours be? A fuel tax? Another pandemic? A digital ID law?

We won’t know until it happens — but when it does, it’ll feel like it was always coming.


10. A Story to Believe In

Revolutions don’t start with spreadsheets — they start with narratives. A vision of a better world. Liberty. Bread. Justice. Take Back Control. People need something to believe in — even if it’s ill-defined. Especially if it is.

That belief, however messy, can move millions.


Conclusion: Are We There Yet?

Britain today has:

  • Widespread discontent ✔
  • Out-of-touch elites ✔
  • Complex taxation ✔
  • Unpopular projects draining wealth ✔
  • War spending and foreign entanglements ✔
  • Political opportunism and wealthy string-pullers ✔

And still, the nation simmers quietly. But no one turns off the heat.
History warns us: all it takes is one spark.

Entropy’s Child

Digital painting for the poem "Entropy’s Child," showing a glowing human silhouette dissolving into stardust against a cosmic background, with Saturn to the left and swirling galaxies behind.

The universe, vast and timeless as it turns,
One among infinite, where eternity burns.
Each atom, each thought, a unique, fleeting spark,
In the grand, endless dance of light and of dark.

If time is unending, if space has no edge,
Then what of the self, with no memory to pledge?
This life is a moment, a breath in the flow,
Yet in infinite cycles, we rise and we go.

The universe spins with no purpose or will,
Indifferent to wishes, yet wondrously still,
In this vast, restless cosmos, might we not return,
As the stars keep on burning, as the galaxies churn?

So perhaps we shall live, time and time once more,
In a universe infinite, with mysteries galore.
What can happen will happen, and thus we may see,
In the grand wheel of existence, the return of you and me.

Authors Note

Although the rhythm and subject of this poem differ, those familiar with The City of Dreadful Night by James Thomson will detect an underlying current that owes much to that remarkable work.

This poem was written in 1974, during my time at Belmont School, Holmbury St Mary. It was inspired by a debate organised by our English Literature teacher, Mr Ballantyne. The topic was “Reincarnation is real”. I was on the team tasked with arguing in favour — no small challenge for an 13-year-old who had, at the time, no idea what reincarnation was.

To prepare, I retreated to the school library and began my research (encouraged and assisted by Mr Ballantyne himself). There, in a rather ancient encyclopaedia (I suspect it predated Britannica by several decades), I stumbled upon a passage quoting James Thomson (BV), which conveyed in essence the belief that death is final. Regrettably, I can no longer recall the precise quotation, and indeed The City of Dreadful Night offers so many bleak and masterful reflections that it is difficult to pinpoint which one it was.

Nonetheless, I remember vividly how deeply Thomson’s writing struck me. His sombre vision of life left a lasting impression. Over fifty years later, certain passages still linger in my mind — testimony to the power of his words.

You will find the full text of The City of Dreadful Night on Project Gutenberg. In particular, you may notice how the poem presented here draws upon the mood and tone of the four stanzas that begin as follows:

The world rolls round for ever like a mill;
It grinds out death and life and good and ill;
It has no purpose, heart or mind or will.

“While air of Space and Time’s full river flow
The mill must blindly whirl unresting so:
It may be wearing out, but who can know?

“Man might know one thing were his sight less dim;
That it whirls not to suit his petty whim,
That it is quite indifferent to him.

“Nay, does it treat him harshly as he saith?
It grinds him some slow years of bitter breath,
Then grinds him back into eternal death.”